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December 1919

With the fall of the Kaiser, and the monarchs of the Empire soon after, in November 1918, the Empire had fallen, and its place new Republics arose. In the Federal seat, however, there were two Republics - one declared by Philipp Scheidemann and another, the FSRG, by Karl Liebknecht. The first was a moderate provisional government made up of the two pieces of the pre-war SPD, the Majority SPD, led by Friedrich Ebert, and the Independent SPD of Hugo Haase, Karl Liebknecht, and Rosa Luxemburg. The first Federal Republic, continuing on with the name "Deutsches Republic" was a doomed union, damned to toppling by either the far left, or the conservatives that have dominated Germany for the last 50 years, and the far right.
The death bell sounded on Christmas day, 1919. After a month of cutting the USPD out of official governance - assisted by the contempt shown by the conservatives in the existing civil service - and power struggles in the leadership of the revolution, Ebert decided to neuter the USPD further. He decided to cut the salaries of the crème of the Revolutionary paramilitary crop - the Volksmarinedivision. The man sent to inform the paramilitaries of this at their headquarters, the Berlin City Palace, was promptly taken prisoner. In response, Ebert called in help from his ally, Quartermaster General Wilhelm Groener, and nearby Federal troops. It was ineffective. And damning for everyone involved. The USPD realized once and for all that there was no place for them in the provisional government. For the more radial elements of the KPD, there was now no place for the provisional government whatsoever, and it would have to be toppled by revolution. But most crucially, Wilhelm Groener, whose alliance with Ebert was still young, lost faith in the supposed leader of the revolution. He had not only failed to crush the Volksmarinedivision, but bungled the job. When the next crisis came, Groener would leave Ebert hanging. He was making new plans now.
Meanwhile, the Province of Posen exploded with a Polish separatist revolt. Aided by the transit of the best of the Freikorps groups from across Germany to fight in the East, and an agreement for a plebiscite in January with Liebknecht and Luxemberg's government, the uprising very quickly became a total success. Against this backdrop, with counterrevolution looming in Germany while it blossoms in Poland, the KPD announced elections for January 19. Ominously, in the German west, tens of thousands of Entente soldiers pour into the Rhineland to cleave it away from the dying German body.

January and February 1919

The results of the election arrived on the 19th, establishing new leadership in the Soldiers and Workers' Councils across the German Empire. Believing the time of the proletariat is coming nigh, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg begin gathering intelligence. The USPD begs them to not be hasty, but they are ignored. Across the border, in Poland, a majority Socialist government takes power after a successful election, despite the recent civil war, emboldening Luxemburg in particular. After gauging the health of the nation, and convincing Liebknecht of the necessity of what's to come, the Spartacists put on grim faces. On 27 February, with a stunning rapidity and show of force, the Communists place Ebert and his government under arrest, and assume control of Germany. When Liebknecht and Luxemberg meet with the USPD leaders Hugo Haase, Emil Barth, and Wilhelm Dittman, they are showered with the latter's indignation at the KPD's recklessness and the former's disregard for the USPD. They declare their alliance annulled, and the Communists expelled from the USPD. Then the Spartacists drop a bundle of papers at Haase's feet. Transcripts and physical evidence of the Ebert-Groener pact, designed to crush both the USPD and the Spartacists. They assert that the USPD, by cooperating with the MSPD are complicit, and that yes, indeed, their alliance is over. Because the USPD leaders are packed off to Spandau.
The KPD's next move is for Liebknecht to speak to the nation. He names the Imperial Military as the real November traitors. Liebknecht slams Groener especially for his pact with the "traitor" and "usurper" Ebert. He calls for a general strike to paralyze the old guard in the German bureaucracy, and the military especially. It works. But it works for Liebknecht's enemies. Under pressure from the ever-growing People's Guard of Poznan, the plebiscite is held. Unsurprisingly, with all the armed Poles running around, it returns an overwhelming vote of confidence for union with Poland, with the exception of the western edge of the province and its majority German population. The news is explosive. The nation is paralyzed as hundreds of thousands of Germans, with blood boiling, turn out in the streets to protest and call for the arrest of the "Pole and Jewish conspirator" Rosa Luxemburg. Ears and eyes turn to the man Liebknecht declared Germany's oppressor but themselves perceive as its savior.
Before his downfall, Ebert was able to fire off a single panicked phone call to Kassel. But Groener made excuses; he could not mobilize quick to save the government, the Spartacists have caught him completely flat footed, etcetera. Then he hung up, and waited for the phone to ring, for Liebknecht to ring. No such call comes. But as Ebert suspected, Groener had not been caught unawares whatsoever. He knew of the fragility of the alliance between the USPD and the KPD, knew it would now be broken, and that the USPD's leaders were likely in prison now. And he knew the Communists had already and would continue to shoot themselves in the foot. Time was on his side. Effective immediately, the Communists nationalize all farming estates, somehow making even more rabid foes of the Junker class. To the Kingmaker's desk in Hesse, the parties of the German right and center fly to beg Groener to save Germany. He accepts their baton, and comes to command the allegiance of the political establishment. Then he cables Paris to tell the French that the situation is under control. The French duly receive and ignore Groener's telegram, while they make preemptive arrests of leftists and treat any strikers in the Rhineland with bullets. And they ignore the gathering together of thousands of Freikorps and regular Army soldiers.

March 1919

Bells toll and men shout all over Germany. And then guns roar.
In Baden, some 5,000 revolutionaries calling themselves the Karlsruhe Red Guard respond to the coup by seizing control of Baden's capital. Then, in response to the "Posen betrayal", they quietly disband and return to their homes. The same plays out in Württemberg, where whatever revolutionary sentiment there may have been vanishes with German control of Posen. Also instrumental in the land of Swabia is a one Erwin Rommel, who talks those who do rebel in Württemberg into going home. On the other end of the Rhineland, in Bremen, the Freikorps smash the Soviet Republic that has existed there since 10 January and execute everyone involved. And some totally uninvolved civilians for good measure. Hesse, Saxony, and Lower Saxony are brought fully under Groener's control over the month of March by the moving of regular Army troops and tens of thousands of Freikorps.
Only in Bavaria and in Western Prussia do things not slide into the apocalyptic for the KPD. The odds even there, though, are not good. The government in Munich can gather no new troops. The exact opposite is true for the Army of Greater Poland, whose ranks continue to swell in response to German animosity. Together with the local Volksarmee, rearmed by the Poles, they seize Junker estates and their owners, if they're still present. Late in the month, the Army of Greater Poland receives a special visitor: Rosa Luxemburg. She has come with armed guards, and in secret, by train, after being convinced by Liebknecht of the impending doom of their revolution. If the Poles cannot now read the writing on the wall, Luxemberg reads it aloud to them. They dig in and await the storm.


The headlines of April are dominated by two events: the crushing of the Berlin "Soviet", and the death of Karl Liebknecht, and the invasion by Groener of "Soviet" Bavaria.
The seminal news happens early, as Groener, generally unopposed now, enters a ghostly quiet Berlin. He quickly crushes the Volksmarinedivision and whatever other leftist paramilitaries are still in the city, and subjects them to the machine gun. Karl Liebknecht is given a special death after he is beaten senseless and dragged out of the Reichstag. He is tied to a lamppost, where Freikorps men take turns shooting him until virtually nothing is left of his body. The pieces are then thrown into the Spree. A triumphant Groener is then cheered by the people of Berlin as he arrives the day after the city's capture, striding confidently up the steps of the City Palace to declare the city liberated, and a provisional military government in control of the German Empire.
In Bavaria, Würzburg is yielded without a fight to incoming federal troops and Freikorps, and Munich put on notice. Groener offers Niekisch surrender and reconciliation, or Liebknecht's fate.
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